Nepal had a centralised unitary structure, and the country had gone almost twenty years without local elections.
The key distinction is between drawing provincial boundaries and rebuilding elected government at the local level. The 753 local units were part of the implementation process, not a list of governments all created fully operational by the Constitution on its first day.[21]
The democratic before-and-after
| Measure | Earlier position | After the transition |
|---|---|---|
| Opportunity to elect local representatives | Almost 20 years without local elections | Local elections completed in three phases in 2017[22] |
| Elected local representatives | No comparable recent local election | 35,041 reported in the observer account[22] |
| Women among those representatives | Not treated here as a comparable pre-reform share | 14,339 reported—approximately 41%[22] |
The same observers reported turnout above 74%, but also an important limitation: women held only about 2% of mayor/chairperson positions. Presence in elected bodies and access to senior leadership positions were different measures.[22]
What changed for citizens?
Residents could choose local representatives again. For a resident seeking action on a local priority, an elected institution creates a route to raise demands, scrutinise decisions and organise around the next election. Those opportunities still require open information and fair participation to become effective.
The World Bank’s account emphasises the scale of the transition: new responsibilities needed capable staff and coordination across federal, provincial and local governments. More tiers can create additional points of accountability, but also additional opportunities for officials to blame one another when functions overlap.[21]
How much of the budget was actually spent?
Nepal · Financial year 2022/23
Budget allocated versus budget spent
Share of approved budgets spent, calculated from underspending
Provincial: 66.0% · Local: 75.6%
A single post-reform year, not a before-and-after comparison. Spending does not establish service quality.[23]
| FY2022/23 | Budget left unspent | Implied budget execution |
|---|---|---|
| Provincial governments | 34.0% | 66.0%[23] |
| Local governments | 24.4% | 75.6%[23] |
The 2024 fiscal review also reports that all seven provinces had enacted civil-service laws by December 2023. Institution-building was progressing, but substantial underspending showed that legal powers and budget allocations had not yet translated fully into expenditure.[23]
How would elected institutions obtain the staff, systems and clear responsibilities needed to use their budgets?
Sources & data notes
Historical observations are labelled with their years. The figures are not a current statistical dashboard. The notes identify original publications and any calculated changes.
- World BankSupporting Nepal’s Historic Transition to Federalism (29 September 2020) ↗
2015 constitutional transition, seven provinces, 753 local governments and the need for capacity and intergovernmental coordination.
- Democracy Resource Center NepalNepal’s Local Elections 2017: Final Observation Report (November 2017) ↗
Printed page 32 (PDF page 33): report counts 35,041 elected representatives and 14,339 women; 2% of mayor/chairperson posts held by women. Conclusion: turnout over 74%. Figures are attributed to this report; other compilations may differ.
- World BankNepal Fiscal Federalism Update 2024 ↗
FY2022/23 underspending: 34% provincial and 24.4% local. Budget-execution figures in the article are calculated as 100% minus these rates. All seven provinces had civil-service acts by December 2023.